How many people apply for ppe at oxford
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One of the strengths and weaknesses of Oxford is that it is not a top-down university: what is taught is largely decided by what dons want to teach. In politics, the endless tutorials seemed so unrelated to the crises that were going on. PPE had become a technical course in how to govern.
Not coincidentally, it became a favourite for the offspring of prominent politicians and economists. Two were daughters of the extremely well-known economists [and Labour advisers] James Meade and Nicholas Kaldor. During the s, a rebellion began against the degree that is the forgotten — and more thoughtful — precursor to the anti-PPE mood of today. The troublemaking leftwing writer Tariq Ali was part of it. After enduring the course from to , he bet a friend that he could bring up the Vietnam war in all his final exam papers.
But the dons were too canny, or too liberal. They gave him a Third. Meanwhile the wider PPE student body fragmented. The most potent product of this ferment, part of a wider questioning of British university degrees, was a long polemic, The Poverty of PPE, published in the great revolutionary year of The title was a reference to a book by Karl Marx, whom many felt the course covered inadequately, and the final text was written by Trevor Pateman, an astringent leftwinger who had just received an outstanding First.
The PPE hierarchy responded as English establishment liberals tend to when attacked by radicals: absorbing some of the criticisms to reform their institution, while leaving its fundamentals intact. An only modestly updated version of this course theme survives to this day. O xford PPE can be a stubborn, elusive enemy. At the university, it is both everywhere and nowhere. PPEists are generally quite outgoing, good at talking, good at flitting from one thing to another. Please take one. Unlike many other Oxford courses, PPE has no faculty building.
In a city full of grand academic headquarters, PPE makes do with the partial use of two relatively anonymous facilities, half a mile apart: a low glassy block for politics and economics and a plain stone one for philosophy.
How would he sum up the current mood of the committee? The perennial criticism of the degree as parochially British and old-fashioned can be overdone. Yet one focus of the course has not changed since The official video for potential applicants opens with a lingering shot of the door of 10 Downing Street.
So far, there has only been one period when this flow has been interrupted. Between and , fewer PPEists than usual became central political figures. Gangs of Oxford graduates continued to materialise in the cabinet; but many had studied other subjects, most commonly law, and they were joined by a new elite, also law graduates, from Cambridge. The governments of Margaret Thatcher and John Major were more hard-edged and dogmatic, and less statist, than their postwar predecessors, and so had less use for the supple, compromising, pro-Whitehall mindset of many Oxford PPEists.
Stewart Wood did the degree from to , when Thatcherism was at its zenith. Strikingly, others who have chafed against Oxford PPE, such as Hilary Wainwright and Tariq Ali, tell similar stories of finding liberation in the margins of the course, by latching on to dissident tutors or devising their own reading lists. And they rebel. But not all of them. As Thatcherism began to weaken in the late 80s and early 90s, so PPE was helping to form the next, more pragmatic generation of British politicians — and achieving a peak of influence that seems distant now.
A former Oxford PPE student himself, Glyn had for much of the 70s and 80s been a central thinker for the leftwing revolutionary group Militant, but had then acquired a grudging respect for social democracy. In , I had a conversation with Miliband about modern capitalism, and he emphasised how a steadily smaller share of profit was going to workers.
Glyn had pioneered precisely that argument decades earlier. Meanwhile at Balliol, Yvette Cooper and James Purnell were part of a confident group of PPEists, who delivered precociously fluent speeches at student gatherings, and made themselves useful to the reviving Labour party.
With a tradition of bringing politicians to Oxford, as seminar participants or visiting speakers, PPE both demystifies politics for students and helps the parties spot talent.
David Cameron did the degree from to Although Cameron was barely politically active at Oxford, within weeks of achieving a First he obtained a job in the Conservative Research Department, a fast track for future ministers.
Cockerell, naturally, did PPE himself.
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